In a recent blog post, Payne reflected her own growth as she 鈥榤imicks鈥� her experienced guides and then steps off on her own.

As a child, I played follow the leader. I mimicked the actions of others for fun.

As a college student, I find myself in a very similar situation. This cross-cultural is an extreme game of follow the leader.

Our leaders, Kim and Seth, model how to function in contemporary Europe. They guide us through cities and on public transportation. They gladly share their wisdom and calm our nerves. We follow. We learn by example.

These times of mimicking prepare us for times of independence. Almost daily we are given opportunities to explore or assignments to find specific locations. This is when the roles reverse. My peers and I will take turns directing, learning through practice.

Although this ever-changing game of follow the leader is fun and challenging, it has a specific focus. We are tracing the paths of our Anabaptist roots.

Besides the 鈥淩adical Europe鈥� tour of Anabaptist sites in Austria, Germany and Switzerland, EMU cross-cultural groups are in Bolivia, the Navajo Nation and Spain.

• The Bolivia group is led by Brian Martin Burkholder, campus pastor, and Linda Martin Burkholder, cross-cultural program assistant.
• The Navajo Nation group is led by Gloria Rhodes, chair of the applied social sciences department, and Jim Yoder, biology professor.
• The Spain group is led by Professor Adriana Rojas, of the language and literature department, her husband Patrick Campbell, and Barbara Byer, the department鈥檚 administrative assistant.

The EMU cross-cultural experience, which has been part of the curriculum for more than 30 years, is very different from the typical 鈥渟tudy abroad鈥� program. Approximately 68 percent of all EMU graduates go on an international cross-cultural trip; the remaining students fulfill the cross-cultural requirement exploring the vast diversity here in the United States. Most graduates name their cross-cultural experience as a significant part of their EMU education.

Trips are led by faculty members who have deep roots in the countries and communities where groups travel. As an example of these deep roots, nearly 20 faculty and staff are “Third Culture Kids,” who spent significant years of their youth in another country/countries. Some 20 countries on six different continents are represented tin these experiences. Most EMU faculty and staff have also lived and worked abroad for significant periods of time.

Upcoming cross-cultural trips include:

• Israel/Palestine, fall 2018, with Bill Goldberg, director of the Summer Peacebuilding Insitute, and Lisa Schirch, research professor at the Center for Justice and Peacebuilding;
• Guatemala and Cuba, spring 2018, with Byron Peachey, academic advocacy program adviser, and Lisa King, instructor in the nursing department;
• India, spring 2018, Kim G. Brenneman, psychology professor, and her husband, Bob Brenneman;
• Kenya, summer 2018, with Roxy Allen Kioko, professor of business, and her husband, Felix Kioko;
• Paraguay, summer 2018, with Greta Anne Herin, professor of biology, and Laura Yoder, professor of nursing;
• Marginal(ized) Europe: Bulgaria and Greece, summer 2018, with Andrew White, professor of English, and his wife, Daria White;
• Lithuania, summer 2018, with Jerry Holsopple, professor in the visual and communication arts department;
• , offered each semester in Washington D.C. allows for immersion into urban culture, while acquiring valuable work experience in an internship.

Khan was among the 72 participants to participate in the second annual event, which offered a full day of networking, workshops and seminars modeled after the , a program of the (CJP).

鈥淚鈥檓 getting the tools to move my vision forward 鈥� it is really inspiring,鈥� Khan said.

That sentiment is exactly what , SPI director, likes to hear.

鈥淪PI has 22 years of experience helping people work for justice, peace and good governance around the world in places where governing systems are not working well,鈥� he said. 鈥淚鈥檓 delighted that local and regional citizens and organizations see us as a great resource to build both personnel and organizational capacity for more efficient and effective work.鈥�

Topics included conflict transformation, dialogue, leadership, restorative justice and organizing skills 鈥� a sampling of the courses available at the 2017 this May and June. Many of the five- and seven-day courses that will be offered have been developed to help those interested in civic engagement gain skills to organize or lead community processes and learn to talk to people who may not agree with them to resolve common community problems, Goldberg said.

The Community Day participants represented a wide range of professional interests: offender re-entry, youth empowerment, adult career education, mediation, climate activism and filmmaking.

More than half of the participants were from Harrisonburg, with the remainder from Virginia, Maryland, Washington D.C., West Virginia and Pennsylvania.

In her opening plenary titled 鈥淟eading from Within: 鈥楤eing鈥� in the Fight for Justice,鈥� Professor talked about visioning and then bringing the desired new world into existence 鈥渂y our ways of being with each other and by the means through which we work for social change.鈥�

Kai Degner, former Harrisonburg mayor, city council member and a recent candidate for the U.S. House of Representatives, gave a lunch presentation about his new endeavor, an organization 鈥渃reating civic listening structure鈥� called the .

鈥淟istening is not consuming, obeying, agreeing, tolerating, empathizing, charitable or easy,鈥� Degner said. 鈥淟istening is what it takes to make the speaker feel heard and understood.鈥� He presented his community meeting model of the 鈥淟istening Caf茅,鈥� in which small groups take turns first speaking to active listeners, then being respectfully responded to by each member of the group.

Patrick Campbell, senior disaster program manager for the Virginia Capital region of the Red Cross and a 2014 graduate of CJP, said he鈥檇 鈥渓ike to see my field employ more community sessions of listening.鈥�

The theme of better communication was reflected in workshops such as conflict coaching, led by CJP Academic Programs Director , who drew on her time spent with Burmese rebel groups in Myanmar to illustrate the different levels of conflict coaching and associated strategies. Participants shared stories from organizational conflicts they鈥檇 been involved in working in churches, government and summer camps.

鈥淔aith-Based Peacebuilding: Structuring Hope Locally鈥� was led by Roy Hange, pastor and SPI instructor. Hange outlined ways that faith communities exhumed past trauma, expressing it biologically and finding ways to repair relationships: from the United Kingdom and the Irish Republican Army to black and white clergy in Charlottesville.

Other workshops offered skills training related to conflict coaching, circle processes, monitoring and evaluation, and restorative justice.

The event is also designed to give participants a preview of the community atmosphere and courses offered at SPI, a program of the which hosts five sessions in May and June on a variety of topics including trauma awareness, restorative justice, leadership, program management and responding to violent extremism.

Since 1994, more than 3,000 people have attended SPI from more than 120 countries. While the early years of SPI were geared more towards international participants, there has been a push in the last few years to attract local participants and respond to local situations.

鈥淭his is a way to give more focus to the local community,鈥� says , admissions director.

Last year, a middle school teacher, veteran, pastor and community kitchen manager were among the 65 regional peacebuilders in attendance at SPI Community Day. After 鈥渟uch a positive response鈥� last year, Roth Shank says the maximum attendance has been increased to 80.

The event includes a breakfast presentation on community organizing by Dr. , professor of restorative justice; two 90-minute workshops, a lunch presentation and a networking event.

鈥淭he underlying focus is going to be community organizing and leading,鈥� says Roth Shank. 鈥淚n the current political climate 鈥� people are looking for ways to build bridges and be engaged.鈥�

Workshop offerings include

• Organizational Use of Circles, with Dr. ;
• Leadership and Management for the Common Good, with Dr. ;
• Conflict Coaching, with Dr. ;
• Program and Project Management, with ;
• Transforming Power of Identity and Dignity, with Dr. ;
• Faith-Based Peacebuilding: Structuring Hope Locally, with The Rev. Roy Hange.

Participants will depart with deeper networks and valuable skills related to organizational leadership, says SPI Director , while also learning more about the resources of SPI and the Center for Justice and Peacebuilding.

鈥淚 believe, as do many others, that in the coming years, communities are going to have to increasingly rely on their own organizations and service providers as there will be less help forthcoming from the federal government,鈥� says Goldberg. 鈥淪PI Community Day is a great chance for EMU to make better connections with these local providers, give them the skills they need to succeed and help them become better connected with each other.鈥�

Many names were tossed at the night of May 23, as his writing career and restorative justice work were humorously honored with a 鈥渞oast鈥� at 草莓社区. While most retiring professors of 窜别丑谤鈥檚 stature and worldwide celebrity are feted with a more standard banquet, a roast more suited both the man and his varied work.

More than 300 attendees agreed, traveling from around the world to honor 窜别丑谤鈥檚 influence as a reformer, teacher, a mentor, and visionary; to mark his retirement as a full-time faculty member; and to celebrate the 25th听anniversary of the publication of 窜别丑谤鈥檚 groundbreaking work, .

The evening also provided an opportunity to support the ongoing work of the , of which Zehr will remain a co-director with friend and colleague . A silent auction of global artifacts, artwork, locally crafted food and libations, and books, along with other donations, also raised about $15,000, not including pledges, for the continued work of the Zehr Institute.

After dinner鈥�

Among comedians, a 鈥渞oast鈥� is a gathering at which a guest of honor is subjected to both praise and good-natured jokes at their expense. Stauffer, dressed in a suit and tie, emceed the evening鈥檚 festivities with , a longtime colleague since 窜别丑谤鈥檚 arrival at the in 1996. Jantzi came more appropriately appareled to the podium in the requested 鈥淗oward Zehr-styled formal wear:鈥� boots, tan khakis, a tan shirt, a camera slung about his neck and a Indiana Jones-looking hat.

When queried by Stauffer about his neckwear, Jantzi looked at his floral tie and retorted: 鈥淭his is a tie that’s as ugly as sin. I tried to get one as ugly as Howard would wear, but this is the best I could do.鈥�

First on the program was a panel of alumni roasters, all of whom remarked in some capacity on their strong and shared personal friendship with Zehr, his sense of humor, and quiet way of inspiring confidence and empowerment. Among them was , MA 鈥�08, now restorative justice coordinator at the Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General in Vancouver, Canada, who spoke of becoming 窜别丑谤鈥檚 student one day and shortly after, accepting an invitation to co-present with Zehr at a conference.

鈥淗oward sees something in you before you see it in yourself and he nurtures it until it comes to fruition,鈥� said , MA 鈥�99, a 14-year veteran of working federal capital cases who is herself a pioneer of an approach called defense-oriented victim outreach.

The youngest member of the panel, MA 鈥�13, spoke of the in her native Mexico, between Zehr – in Tamaulipas to present the keynote address at the First National Conference of Alternative Dispute Resolution Mechanisms – and poet and victims advocate Javier Sicilia, 鈥渢wo men who share similar bodies and souls.鈥�

MA 鈥�04, contextualized Zehr with a reference to Malcolm Gladwell鈥檚 “The Tipping Point,” which describes three types of “change makers.” 鈥淗oward for me is the consummate connector,鈥� said Malec, citing Zehr’s skills in networking between practitioners and connecting his colleagues and students with exciting opportunities.

MA 鈥�09, took the microphone in 鈥減rotest鈥� to argue that the breadth and sheer vivacity of Zehr’s creative contributions in a variety of fields do not render him 鈥渢he grandfather of restorative justice,鈥� as he’s sometimes referred to, but rather 鈥渢he Lady Gaga of restorative justice!鈥�

, MA 鈥�06, a founding member of the nonprofit Latino Initiative on Restorative Justice, spoke movingly of 窜别丑谤鈥檚 influence on her personal journey from her native Ecuador and her current work as an educator and training of restorative justice in many Latin American countries.

, which focused on the aging body, took the brunt of several spirited jokes from , MA 鈥�00. Toews is a former student who has written and co-edited .

Guest Roasters

A panel of guest roasters included nine distinguished colleagues, some of whom wrote or provided video greetings: RJ practitioner honored 窜别丑谤鈥檚 influence in New Zealand, criminologist John Braithwaite sent congratulations from Australia, and 窜别丑谤鈥檚 longtime friend, Bruce Bainbridge, did the same from the State Correction Institution Graterford, where he is serving a life sentence.

, currently co-director of Mennonite Central Committee‘s Office on Justice and Peacebuilding, proclaimed that she had 鈥�30 years of stories鈥� to fit into the next three minutes, speeding through Zehr’s powers of suggestion, his fast pace of speech, and his commitment to well-made coffee.

Actor, director, and playwright Ingrid DeSanctis remembered ,” based on Zehr’s book which received a standing ovation from 500 inmates at Graterford Prison in Pennsylvania.

, a mediator and consultant with a history of teaching in Center for Justice and Peacebuilding programs, proclaimed that he and Zehr shared something that nobody else in the room did: both are alumni of Morehouse College, a historically black college in Atlanta, which boasts graduates such as Martin Luther King Jr.

鈥淵ou carry the mystique of a Morehouse man well,鈥� said Hooker, adding that the 鈥淢orehouse man鈥� is 鈥渨ell-read, well-traveled, well-spoken, well-balanced and鈥︹�� He stopped. 鈥淵ou鈥檝e got to work on well-dressed,鈥� he concluded, to laughter from the crowd.

Kim Workman, director of the New Zealand-based organization Rethinking Crime and Punishment, not only told humorous stories, but played the keyboard and sang an original ditty he called 鈥淥de to Howard.鈥�

The Zehr bobble-head

As the evening drew to a close, 窜别丑谤鈥檚 family joined in the fun. His wife, Ruby, recalled one of their first dates in college, when Howard invited her to the snack shop to share a Coke because he did not have enough money for two. She was followed by Howard’s brother, Ed Zehr, who reminisced about Howard’s boyhood skills tinkering with electronics and gadgets.

When Zehr assumed the stage after 9 p.m., he was met with a standing ovation. Cracking jokes, he recounted the early days of restorative justice work with Canadian colleague David Worth, announcing their next 50-year plan for the field 鈥� expansion to a social movement.

At the end of the night, , director of the and mastermind behind the festivities, presented the honoree with a custom Howard Zehr bobble-head doll.

鈥淩uby says my memorial service is taken care of, so she won鈥檛 need to have one when I die,鈥� Zehr reflected afterwards. 鈥淚 got off pretty easy overall!鈥�

Organizers, including CJP founding director John Paul听Lederach, sociology professor Vernon Jantzi, and 贬颈锄办颈补蝉听Assefa, a mediator in conflicts around the world, invited friends and colleagues to talk and think about the cutting edges of practice and theory in international peace work. Some uncertainty surrounded the launch of CJP itself, Jantzi recalls, and the organizers of the Frontiers conference didn鈥檛 have any particular plans to make it an annual event.

And they surely didn鈥檛 imagine that 20 years later it would be thriving, would have brought 2,800 people from 121 countries to EMU鈥檚 campus and would have directly inspired the creation of at least 10 other short-term peacebuilding institutes in Africa, Asia, the South Pacific and North America. Nor could Lederach, Jantzi and Assefa have imagined that they would remain involved to varying degrees ever since, though Assefa is the only one has taught every year at the summer institute.

鈥淭here was so much energy generated,鈥� Jantzi recalls, of the first conference. 鈥淧eople were so eager to share their experiences.鈥�

Participants found that simply being together at a week-long peacebuilding conference was tremendously beneficial and inspiring for their work, and the response was enthusiastic. During the following academic year, CJP received its accreditation, had three students in the master鈥檚 program and admitted a dozen more to begin in the fall of 1995, and had hired its first full-time administrative staff member, Ruth Zimmerman. Things were heading in a good direction, and CJP organized a second Frontiers in International Peacebuilding conference in the summer of 1995.

Conference becomes 鈥淪PI鈥�

For its third year, CJP gave its one-week peacebuilding conference a new name: the Summer Peacebuilding Institute, or SPI. Word was spreading, interest was growing, and SPI was about to begin growing quickly in size, scope and length. By 2002, SPI attracted around 150 participants from about 50 countries and offered 20 classes over a two-month period.

One of the major early emphases at SPI 鈥� and CJP more generally 鈥� was grounding the academic curriculum and classroom instruction in practical, on-the-ground application of peacebuilding and conflict resolution. Early in SPI鈥檚 history, outside funders helped bring participants from different sides of several major conflicts around the world, including groups of Catholics and Protestants from Northern Ireland and members of the Hutu and Tutsi ethnic groups from Rwanda and Burundi.

This created a rich and challenging environment at SPI, adding a heavy dose of real-life experience from difficult, violent conflicts 鈥� sometimes involving opposing sides of the same conflict 鈥� to complement the theory-based aspects of the curriculum.

鈥淚n the classroom, that was pretty powerful,鈥� says Tim Ruebke, who attended four years of SPI before earning his master鈥檚 degree from CJP in 1999.

Rich experiences outside classroom

Many report that the most powerful moments at SPI, though, occurred during informal, social times away from the classroom. Ruebke recalls an evening gathering at a home in Harrisonburg where participants from Northern Ireland shared stories, songs and dancing with each other and the rest of their classmates.

While the daily sessions focus on the cerebral, 鈥渉ead鈥� aspects of peacebuilding, these informal, social times in the evenings get at its emotional 鈥渉eart.鈥� This aspect of SPI, Ruebke says, mirrors the reality of many real-life peace negotiations, where the hard work of compromise, connection and understanding between parties often occurs in relaxed, social settings before being finalized at the formal negotiating table.

鈥淎 lot of stuff that happens here is informal and relational,鈥� says Jantzi. 鈥淲e think it鈥檚 very significant.鈥�

And as SPI participants often discover, the emotional aspects of peacebuilding aren鈥檛 always happy times of singing and dancing. One of the early SPI sessions included visitors from the former Soviet republic of Georgia as well as Abkhazia, a disputed region within Georgia over which a civil war was fought in the 1990s. One evening, an SPI professor had planned a discussion about this conflict and began by displaying a map of the region.

Ruebke was in the audience, and remembers that one of the parties was upset in some way by what was (or perhaps, what wasn鈥檛) portrayed on the map. This immediately and badly derailed the session, and by the time things had been patched up and discussion about the conflict was able to proceed, the importance of the 鈥渇elt鈥� aspect of peacebuilding had been brought home to Ruebke in a memorable way.

鈥淓ven though we were a peacebuilding program, people brought their stuff with them,鈥� remembers Ruth Zimmerman, who says that these sorts of conflicts would periodically flare up between participants. 鈥淲e had a great learning ground for using some of those [conflict resolution] skill sets over the years.鈥�

At the very beginning, the Frontiers in International Peacebuilding conferences and SPI were simply opportunities for professional development and learning. Before long, however, participants and graduate students in CJP began lobbying for an academic credit component to SPI. Though hesitant to accept the constraints of a pre-planned curriculum, CJP added a credit component to provide students with more flexibility in earning degrees through the program.

Some core courses have been offered year after year, including ones dealing with conflict analysis, restorative justice and trauma healing, and others that focus on practical peacebuilding skills like negotiation and reconciliation. Yet SPI stays true to its roots by exploring the field鈥檚 frontiers and updating its course offerings to reflect emerging themes in peacebuilding. Examples of new courses in 2014 include ones on media and societal transformation, playback theater, trauma-sensitive peacebuilding, mindfulness, and architecture as a peacebuilding tool.

Things ran on the skinniest of shoestring budgets in the very first years of SPI, when CJP professors opened their homes to participants after the day鈥檚 sessions had ended, while their spouses pitched in to help with meals. Volunteers filled many support roles. This contributed to the organic, intimate atmosphere that remains an important aspect of SPI to this day. But it was an exhausting and, in the long run, unsustainable way to run the event that itself led to conflicts between overworked staff members.

鈥淚t was so much work,鈥� recalls Zimmerman, who filled leadership roles at CJP from 1995 to 2007. 鈥淚 used to put in 70-hour weeks.鈥�

Huge logistics behind SPI

In addition to planning courses and lining up faculty to teach them, coordinating the many moving parts of the growing SPI program presented huge logistical challenges. Once, a participant booked a flight to the Dallas, Texas, airport rather than Washington, D.C.鈥檚 Dulles Airport. Another one hopped in a taxi and directed the driver to Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, 185 miles north of Harrisonburg, Virginia.

In 1998, just after she became one of CJP鈥檚 earliest master鈥檚 program graduates, Pat Hostetter Martin (also a participant in the very first Frontiers in International Peacemaking conference) joined SPI to help relieve the growing crisis of stress and exhaustion the workload was placing on other staff. The following year, Martin became SPI鈥檚 co-director with Patricia Spaulding, and then sole director from 2004 until 2008.

In 2000, William Goldberg 鈥� a 2001 master鈥檚 program graduate of CJP 鈥� joined the SPI staff as the transportation coordinator. He later served as an associate director, co-director and, as of 2013, the director of SPI, which now has two full-time staff members and employs about 10 temporary staff each summer. (Other SPI leaders: Gloria Rhodes in the 鈥�90s, Sue Williams, 2008-鈥�11; Valerie Helbert, 2011-鈥�13.)

As the first Jewish program administrator at EMU, Goldberg embodies one of the ways that SPI has affected EMU as a whole by bringing such wide cultural and religious diversity to campus. From the very first Frontiers in International Peacebuilding conferences, CJP leaders wanted faculty to reflect the religious and cultural diversity of the participants 鈥� a desire at odds with EMU鈥檚 requirement that all faculty profess a Christian faith. After some discussion, CJP was able to negotiate exceptions to EMU鈥檚 hiring practices and hire non-Christian faculty members during the summer, which Jantzi points to as an example of the strong support SPI has generally enjoyed from university administrators since its beginning.

EMU鈥檚 hospitable community

Support from the university extended well beyond the administration, remembers Jantzi. Cafeteria staff embraced the opportunity, rather than resented the hassle, of serving participants with a variety of religious and cultural dietary preferences, while the physical plant staff went to great lengths to ensure everyone stayed comfortable during their time on campus. Together, the welcoming atmosphere the entire university created at SPI for visitors from around the world became an important part of its success.

As employees and departments outside of SPI pitched in to help it succeed, SPI also tried to build closer ties to the broader university community by making events like the opening ceremonies and the periodic SPI luncheons open to anyone on campus and in the surrounding community. And when these general open invitations didn鈥檛 attract large audiences, Martin found greater success when she started targeting specific people and departments with invitations and paying for their lunches.

SPI staff have also made similar efforts to share the diversity present on campus each summer with the broader community in and around Harrisonburg. As SPI鈥檚 community relations coordinator for about a decade, Margaret Foth worked to connect participants with families, churches and civic groups in the area. She helped form a particularly strong relationship with the Rotary Club of Rockingham County, which hosts a speaker from SPI each year and has helped underwrite an SPI trip to Washington D.C. A close relationship also developed between SPI and Park View Mennonite Church, just down the road from EMU, which has welcomed numerous international visitors in Sunday School classes and as participants in worship services.

鈥淲e wanted [participants] to know that it was an area that was welcoming and hospitable,鈥� says Foth. 鈥淭hey weren鈥檛 just coming for an academic session. They were coming for relationships in a welcoming community.鈥�

From 2000 to 2010, vanloads of SPI participants made connections farther from campus when they attended a peacebuilding conference held each summer by a group of churches in Knoxville, Tennessee, 360 miles southwest of Harrisonburg. (The minister who organized this conference, Jim Foster, is a graduate of Eastern Mennonite Seminary.) By staying with host families, the visitors enjoyed a more immersive experience in American culture; Foth says she could always count on enthusiastic reviews the following Monday, after participants returned to campus.

One year, a Vietnamese-American lawyer from California made the 12-hour round trip to Knoxville, and ended up staying in the home of a Mennonite pastor who, decades earlier, had fought in the Vietnam War. After they stayed up one night talking about their experience of that conflict, the lawyer returned to SPI and told Foth it had been a moment of great healing.

鈥淚 can still see him running across campus to give me a hug and say it was the best thing to have happened to him,鈥� she recalls.

听

Akin to heaven on earth?

In 2014, a total of 184 people from 36 countries attended SPI 鈥� about the size that SPI has been for the past five years, Goldberg says. As its third decade begins, SPI is as strong and as thriving as ever 鈥� planning for 2015 began before the books had even been closed on this year鈥檚 session.

Those who have been involved with SPI in some way over the past 20 years treasure the many memories and friendships they鈥檝e formed along the way.

鈥淚 think it鈥檚 one of the best things that鈥檚 happened for EMU,鈥� says Jantzi. 鈥淚t鈥檚 one of the most exciting things I鈥檝e been involved with here 鈥�. It鈥檚 just a really, really energizing time.鈥�

One year, Jantzi and an Iranian seminary student who came to SPI struck up an intriguing, weeks-long conversation about whether converting other people to their respective religions could be done in a nonviolent, non-coercive way. This man later became a high-ranking diplomat who, years later, returned to the United States as part of an Iranian delegation to the United Nations. He contacted Jantzi and invited himself back to Harrisonburg to give a guest lecture in one of Jantzi鈥檚 sociology classes 鈥� an encouraging indication, Jantzi says, of the high regard this former SPI participant still had for EMU.

Goldberg says he鈥檚 often inspired by the great lengths that people will go to so they can attend SPI. In 2014, a group of Syrian participants traveled at least 12 hours each way, through difficult and unsafe conditions, to Lebanon to get their visas to travel to the United States. Then they did it again to catch their flights 鈥� an illustration, he says, of 鈥渢he need that people have for this training.鈥�

And he鈥檚 similarly inspired by the eagerness with which people return to very difficult circumstances in their homes to put that training and learning into practice.

鈥淣o matter how difficult the conflict someone comes from, they want to go back and make it better with the new skills they鈥檝e learned here,鈥� Goldberg says.

More generally, Martin, as well as others interviewed for this story, says one of the most important enduring memories of SPI is 鈥渢he rich diversity of the whole thing. Oftentimes, that came out so well in the opening ceremonies. That just humbled you.

鈥淵ou want heaven to be like this,鈥� she says.

鈥� Andrew Jenner

A former student in the (CJP) at 草莓社区 is among the four hostages currently being held in Iraq by a group calling itself the Swords of Righteousness Brigade.

The American, Tom Fox, 54, from Clearbrook, Va., took the “Strategic Nonviolence” class at CJP with , associate professor of peacebuilding at EMU, in spring 2004 and has been working in Iraq with Christian Peacemaker Teams (CTP) for the past year and a half.

EMU held a candlelight vigil for the four CTP hostages Wednesday evening, Nov. 30, on the Campus Center plaza. More than 60 persons attended the vigil as a symbol of solidarity and commitment to a non-violent resolution.

Those gathered held lighted candles and listened to information about the four abductees, spent time in silent reflection followed by a period of prayer and the singing of the hymn, “O Healing River.”

“Tom learned about other non-violent heroes in this course,” Dr. Schirch told the group. “He believes that as peacebuilders, we need to take the same risks as military people.”

Fox, a Quaker, has worked with CPT in partnership with Iraqi human rights organizations to promote peace. In Iraq, he sought a more complete understanding of Islamic cultural richness. He is committed to telling the truth to U.S. citizens about the horrors of war and its effects on ordinary Iraqi civilians and families as a result of U.S. policies and practices.

“Fox has devoted his life to working for peace,” according to CJP staff member William Goldberg, who helped organize the vigil along with Schirch and EMU campus pastor Brian Martin Burkholder. He noted that Fox is scheduled to speak at EMU about his peace work in mid-February.

At his web blog, Fox quoted a Quaker theologian: “Be patterns, be examples in every country, place, or nation that you visit, so that your bearing and life might communicate with all people. Then you’ll happily walk across the earth to evoke that of God in everybody. So that you will be seen as a blessing in their eyes and you will receive a blessing from that of God within them.”

More information on Fox is available at .com.

For updates on the hostage situation, go to .

• Key concerns about Iraq
• Arguments for a war on Iraq
• Problems with using war to address Iraq
• Alternative strategies for addressing Iraq

Key Concerns about Iraq:

1. Weapons of Mass Destruction

It appears very likely that Iraq is in the process of creating or already in possession of 鈥渨eapons of mass destruction鈥� (hereafter known as WMDs.) These threaten not only Iraq鈥檚 own diverse population, but also Iraq鈥檚 Arab and Israeli neighbors and the entire world. Iraq has been a technological leader in the Arab world for many years. Developing WMDs is not a new problem in Iraq 鈥� it is a continuation of their policy to develop military power in the region. There does not appear to be an immediate threat of Iraq using WMDs. The attention to Iraq鈥檚 potential to make WMDs is preventative. The U.S. wants to prevent another North Korea, whose already existing program of听WMD听threatens regional security.

2. Saddam Hussein is a Dictator

While there are referendums on Saddam Hussein鈥檚 leadership in Iraq, there is no true democracy. Many Iraqis want a different set of leaders and a participatory democracy. The Iraqi regime consistently uses repressive measures against minorities. Many countries throughout the world continue to be run by 鈥渟uperficial鈥� democracies or outright dictatorships. Other countries around the world have human rights records that compare with or are greater than Iraqi violations. What makes Iraq different is that it is trying to create or already possesses WMDs.

3. The War Against Terror

There are possible connections between Iraq and Al Qaeda. Historically, there has been antagonism between Iraq鈥檚 regime and Al Qaeda, as they come from opposing sects of Islam. However, given the tenet that 鈥渢he enemy of my enemy is my friend鈥� there is some evidence of growing cooperation between the two. Iraq鈥檚 technology and possible WMDs coupled with Al Qaeda鈥檚 virulent anti-Americanism would be very dangerous.

4. Iraqi Oil

Iraq holds the reins to a large amount of oil reserves. Because of its history of making war on its neighbors and its internal strife, Iraq is an unstable trading partner. A new Iraqi regime friendly to western interests is appealing to Western countries as it ensures that cheap oil, the driving force in many Western economies, will be available. New leadership in Iraq could choose not to be part of听OPEC, the Oil Producing and Exporting Countries, who set the price and daily sale limit on much of the world鈥檚 supply of oil. If this happens,听OPEC听could collapse or need to restructure. Changes in听OPEC听could also affect the political leadership of a number of other countries in the region.

Arguments for a War on Iraq:

1. The destruction of Iraq鈥檚 WMDs and听WMD听development programs.

The threat of biological, chemical, and/or nuclear weapons in the hands of a leader like Saddam Hussein is extremely dangerous. The world cannot risk allowing a human rights abuser of this magnitude to possess such weapons. A war on Iraq may be able to destroy the capacity to develop WMDs and existing WMDs.

2. The removal of Saddam Hussein and his regimes as leaders of Iraq.

Saddam Hussein and his regime are some of the world鈥檚 worst human rights violators. The international community has a responsibility in cases like these to free the citizens of Iraq from such tyranny. The proposed war needs to finish the job of deposing Saddam Hussein and his regime that was started in the 1990 Gulf War. Some people believe the Saddam Hussein regime appears to be 鈥渦ndefeatable鈥� since it remained in place throughout the last decade and the 1990 Gulf War. There is an argument that the U.S. risks its image and credibility in the world if it allows Hussein鈥檚 regime to continue ruling, and the appearance of being untouchable by the international community. The war on Iraq will/may deter other dictators from developing听WMD.

3. Control of the reconstruction of Iraq.

Those countries that participate in the war on Iraq will have some voice in the decisions about what type of government is constructed in Iraq and how oil reserves will be sold to the international community. A war on Iraq may protect U.S. oil interests in the region.

4. The war in Iraq is part of the 鈥淲ar Against Terror.鈥�

The 鈥淲ar on Terror鈥� cannot be won without changes to the leadership in the Arab world. Some argue it does not matter if weapon鈥檚 inspectors find any evidence of听WMD. A war on Iraq may be the perfect 鈥渆ntry point鈥� into making changes in the entire region. According to some Washington thinktanks, the proposed war is aimed primarily to change 鈥渢he psychology of the region鈥� by showing that the U.S. is willing to use its military to protect its interests. Some argue the U.S. needs to 鈥減roject its power鈥� in the region to enable other Arab regimes to make decisions about how they will relate to the U.S. If our enemies, or even our friends, perceive the U.S. as 鈥渨eak鈥� or 鈥渋ndecisive,鈥� they may continue to make choices that support Al Queda鈥檚 network and threaten U.S. security and economic interests. This logic is based on the belief that 鈥渞espect is earned at the point of a gun.鈥� A war on Iraq may be part of the 鈥済rand strategy鈥� for the War on Terror.

5. The time is right.

The situation in Iraq and the prospects for war will only be more difficult in the future. The U.S. military base in Saudi Arabia has already overstayed its welcome. Waiting to go to war may mean that the U.S. will not have access to its Saudi base. In addition, there is growing interest by France and Russia, for example, in Iraqi oil. Some argue they may be resisting a war on Iraq due to their own national interests rather than questions about the war鈥檚 strategic necessity or its moral implications. If France and Russia open up trade on Iraq, this may entrench Hussein鈥檚 leadership even more making it more difficult to uproot him later.

Problems with Using War to Address Iraq:

1. Problems with destroying Iraq鈥檚 WMDs

• Key figures within the U.N. state that Iraq has already disarmed and is not in position of any WMDs.
• It is not clear where WMDs, if they exist, might be developed or stored in Iraq. Weapons inspectors say the search for听WMDS听is like looking for a needle in a haystack. If on the ground inspectors cannot find听WMD, it is not clear how military strikes will be able to destroy WMDs if they do exist.
• If the Iraqi government falls, WMDs may be left without any supervision. As in the former Soviet Union, WMDs under current Iraqi control are likely safer than left alone in a storehouse where they may be even more susceptible to theft by terrorist cells.
• If Iraq does possess WMDs, they may seek to use them in a U.S.-led war on Iraq, particularly if their situation looks hopeless. This could result in the deaths of American and British troops as well Iraqis and those in neighboring countries. A leader or country backed into a corner with no means of avoiding war is more likely to use WMDs than one with other options. Backing Saddam Hussein into a corner is dangerous for everyone.

2. Problems with Removing Saddam Hussein

• Saddam Hussein was able to hide during the last war. The war in Afghanistan was unable to find and kill key Taliban and Al Qaeda leaders. It is likely that the war in Iraq will be unable to find and/or kill Saddam Hussein. He also has numerous doubles and it is quite possible that the real Hussein will go into hiding if one of his doubles is killed, only to emerge and appear victorious over the Americans after the war ends and the occupying troops leave the country.
• Even if Saddam Hussein is killed, it is not clear that the political and military structure that supports Hussein will collapse. The Iraqi regime may be able to continue to function without Hussein.
• Destroying an entire government and military structure is difficult. Constructing a new government and military is even more difficult, as we have seen in Afghanistan. Even if Saddam Hussein and his regime are removed from all positions of power in Iraq and a true, participatory democracy is allowed to choose a new regime, anti-Americanism will continue in Iraq. Yet it is unlikely that the U.S. would allow an anti-American leader to be elected in a new Iraq, so the U.S. may end up supporting a pro-American dictator, like the ones in neighboring Arab countries. A true democratic Iraq will require longer-term work to create a relationship with and support for Iraqi democratic movements.
• The Iraqi regime is not the only threat in the Arab world. Saudi Arabia and Yemen, for example, also have clear connections to Al Qaeda and other terrorist groups. Recently a freighter traveling from North Korea carrying听SCUD听missiles was stopped in international waters, on its way to deliver the missiles to Yemen. A war on Iraq will not address these broader regional security problems, nor will it address the anti-Americanism that is rampant in the region. It might, in fact, worsen the sentiments.

3. Problems with Securing U.S. Oil Interests

• The U.S. has supported some of the dictators within the Arab world because they are friendly to U.S. oil interests. Yet these dictators are increasingly isolated from their own people. A war on Iraq will require some cooperation between Iraq鈥檚 neighbors and U.S. forces. This cooperation, given to the U.S. by 鈥渇riendly dictators鈥� may exacerbate tensions within these countries, putting U.S. oil interests in the region at even more risk.

4. Moral Problems for the U.S.

• A war will inevitably result in the deaths of massive numbers of innocent Iraqis. While no one is exactly sure what percentage of Iraq鈥檚 people support Hussein and what percentage wants the U.S. to invade and overthrow Hussein, on the ground reports by relief and development agencies attest to the many Iraqi citizens who fear and oppose an attack on their homes and businesses.
• If Iraq does have chemical and biological weapons and the US drops a bomb on these weapons, the chemical and biological agents released in the air will likely kill thousands of Iraqi civilians in the area. Our own military strikes will inevitably cause 鈥渃ollateral damage鈥� or the deaths of large numbers of civilians. The possibility that Saddam Hussein may aim to use WMDs against people some day does not give the U.S. the right to kill thousands of Iraqi civilians today.

5. Strategic Problems for the U.S.

• If the U.S. attacks without a multi-lateral coalition, despite the protests from key leaders within the U.S. and among U.S. allies in Europe and the Middle East, the U.S. will likely 鈥減ay鈥� for the damage done to these relationships in other ways. The recent world economic summit in Davos, Switzerland already gives evidence of the ability of other countries to sideline or punish the U.S. for even contemplating unilateral action.
• When U.S. citizens are given details about the consequences of a war on Iraq in terms of the deaths of civilians and the possible spill over effects of war in the region, most U.S. citizens oppose the war. Waging a war without the consent of U.S. citizens runs the risk of the 鈥淰ietnam effect鈥� where a war is lost for lack of conviction.

Alternative Strategies to Address Iraq

1. To Address Weapons of Mass Destruction

• Provide a Continual Monitoring and International Presence in Iraq
  The current weapons inspection team is tasked with both finding and disarming Iraq鈥檚 WMDs. The international community could continue weapons monitoring in Iraq through a permanent weapons inspection team. Far less expensive than war, the international community could keep 500-1000 people on the ground over the next 10-20 years. These inspectors could serve as civilian peacekeepers, gathering data and intelligence about military projects in Iraq. The inspectors may need to risk their lives in some situations, but so will the soldiers in a war on Iraq. This information could be fed to a United Nations monitoring committee that would be tied to loosening or tightening a new breed of economic sanctions.
• Put the UN in Charge of Iraqi Oil until听WMD听are Confirmed to be Abolished
  The 鈥渙il for food鈥� economic sanctions imposed on Iraq were a tremendous failure that killed many innocent Iraqis while imposing little pressure on Hussein鈥檚 regime. The international community cannot trust a dictator to supply needed food and medicine for his people. The international community, in the form of a UN temporary management team, could take over the sale of Iraqi oil. Profits from the sale of oil could be used to pay for the UN monitoring of听WMD, food, heath, and education aid, and management services to Iraq.
• Provide Amnesty and Jobs to Iraq鈥檚 Scientific Community
  U.N. leaders could make a covert offer to Iraqi scientists, giving them amnesty and jobs in any country of their choice in return for leaving Iraq and abandoning its weapons program. These scientists could be rewarded for passing on information about Iraqi weapons programs.

2. To Address the Saddam Hussein Regime

• Deliver Aid to Iraq
  The international community could increase food, health and education aid to international organizations working within Iraq. This will allow the people of Iraq to oppose their government and take the responsibility and the lead in creating a democracy. While the 鈥榦il for food鈥� sanctions increased Iraqi animosity toward the West, thereby strengthening Hussein鈥檚 position within society, massive doses of relief aid paid for by Iraqi oil sales controlled by the UN could bolster the relationship between the people of Iraq and the international community.
• Support Internal Democratic Movements
  All Arab countries have key groups seeking to bring an 鈥淎rab democracy鈥� to their countries. Arab or Islamic democracy might look different than Western democracy. Democracy takes different forms in different cultures. Democracies key components are:
  • freedom to discuss key issues in public, including freedom to disagree and offer different opinions;
  • freedom to make choices through consensual discussion, voting, or other participatory decision-making methods;
  • respect for the majority opinion; in cases where there is disagreement, the majority takes the lead in making decisions;
  • respect for the minority opinion, and inclusion of key minority concerns in final decisions.
    Examples of social change in the last century testify to the need for internal and external actors working together. The international community can support internal democratic movements in a variety of ways, including financial aid, training in overthrowing dictators through nonviolent strategies, and the use of international media to gain sympathy and support for democratic movements within and outside the Arab and Islamic world. Twentieth century revolutions in South Africa, Chile, Poland, India, and El Salvador, for example, give proof that even ruthless, repressive dictatorial regimes can and have been brought down through nonviolent revolutions.
• Support Hussein鈥檚 Transition Toward Democracy
  Dictators everywhere are vulnerable. Dictators depend on the cooperation and complicity of vast numbers of people. Their authority rests on fear rather than public legitimacy. The international community needs to provide both 鈥渃arrots鈥� to lead dictators to step down and 鈥渟ticks鈥� that pressure them to step down. Both persuasion and coercion bring about change. Dictators can be given 鈥渞etirement鈥� packages that make their exits more tempting. While paying off dictators to leave office does not foster accountability or set a good precedent, it can be the most inexpensive solution to a complex problem. It also takes into consideration the psychological dimension: dictators look for ways of 鈥渟aving face鈥� that allow them to step down peacefully. In Iraq, the international community could offer 鈥渃arrots鈥� in return for demobilizing and demilitarizing and creating an Iraqi democracy. A combination of internal and external on dictatorial regimes can persuade and coerce leaders to either step down or allow democratic elections. Kenya鈥檚 Moi, for example, was persuaded to allow free elections. Chile鈥檚 Pinochet was forced to leave office by his own military generals who believed it would be impossible to ignore a democratic vote against Pinochet鈥檚 leadership after massive nonviolent protests and organizing.

3. To Address U.S Security and Oil Interests in the Arab and Islamic World

• Set up Education and Training Aid Programs throughout the Arab world
  Many Arab and Islamic countries are underdeveloped in terms of education and employment. It is widely recognized that lack of access to free education has driven large numbers of destitute Muslim parents to send their children to schools sponsored by religious fundamentalists. This has greatly influenced the influence of formerly marginal elements in the Muslim world. UN sponsored international schools throughout the Islamic world could provide an Arabic-based liberal arts education. Adult training programs teaching computer and technology skills as well as a full range of peacebuilding trainings and programs could strengthen the economy and the capacity for democratic leadership within civil society. Free interdisciplinary education would strengthen and empower civilians to participate in democratic movements. It would also contribute to economic development, and improve relationships with Western countries.
• Send teams of highly skilled peacebuilding consultants to conflicts in the world
  The conflicts in Israel/Palestine, Kashmir, and between Christians and Muslims in countries like Sudan, Nigeria, and other African countries also add tension to the situation in Iraq. The international community can put major resources toward negotiating issues fueling the current support for terrorist actions. These teams of consultants could be made up of high and low-level diplomats, religious leaders, and scholar-practitioners in the field of conflict resolution from both the local regions and the international community. A more even-handed approach to the Israel-Palestine problems is particularly needed. The international powers supporting both sides need to use coercive measures if necessary to deliver the Israelis and the Palestinians to the negotiating table and ensure that both groups understand that negotiating is the best option for meeting their interests. In addition, it may be necessary to establish an international presence in Israel/Palestine, ensure Palestinian elections for accountable leadership, and back the Mitchell Commission recommendations to stop all new Israeli settlements in the West Bank and scale back existing settlements.
• Make Human Rights and Democracy the Central Guiding Principles of Western Foreign Policy
  The U.S. does not have a coherent foreign policy. Internal and external analysis of the foreign policy of Western countries, particularly the U.S., point to an inconsistent focus on human rights and democracy. Critics point to the contradictory policies of supporting some dictators and overthrowing others, of upholding human rights in some cases and ignoring them in others. Both conservative and progressive analysts point to a 鈥渄ouble-speak鈥� of using human rights language to cover for policies based on national economic and geo-political interests instead of human rights and democracy. In order to be accountable to their own guiding principles and to win the support of others around the world, Western countries must be clear about their own priorities.